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* Analyses the effects of political homogeneity and heterogeneity in citizens' conversation networks on ideological position * Other things being equal, membership of more politically homogenous conversation networks leads individuals into more extreme political evaluations * Network homogeneity drives polarisation of political attitudes and creates larger perceived gulfs between individuals' own views and the views they ascribe to parties opposed by their conversation partners. Persuasion is a well-known consequence of political discussion between citizens: people bring their partisan and ideological views into line with those of their discussion partners. Less often considered is another aspect of this process: does persuasion in conversation networks increase the gap individuals perceive between their own views and those of groups or parties opposed by their discussion partners? Building on work which suggests that ideological homogeneity within networks leads to increased polarisation and drives individuals to relative political extremes, the article examines British voters' perceptions of parties whose views they do not share. The more internally homogeneous the partisan message coming from their main discussion partners, the more extreme individuals become in their views, and the greater the gulf they perceive between themselves and parties not supported by their networks. But the effect is evident only on issues which are politically salient, suggesting this is a real conversation effect.

Analyses of turnout in British general elections fall broadly into two camps: those based on constituency-level data, and those based on survey data. The former stress the importance of local context, while the latter stress personal characteristics and viewpoints. Underlying both are a range of theories purporting to explain turnout. However, to date, there has been little systematic attempt to analyse turnout in the round. In this paper, we combine survey and constituency data to study the individual and contextual correlates of turnout at the British general election and 1992. Constituency level analyses seem to confirm the importance of local context, though it declined during the 1980s. However, and contrary to analyses which employ constituency data only, while individual electors' decisions on whether or not to turn out are influenced by their personal circumstances, they are not influenced by local context. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

Constituency campaigning matters. An increasing volume of studies shows that the more activists a party has on the streets and doorsteps at a general election in the United Kingdom, the better its electoral performance, ceteris paribus, and also that the more a party spends on advertising, the better its performance. In this brief note we have extended that conclusion by separating out two components of the search for votes in constituencies: general campaigning and advertising. We have shown that, in general and in line with other research, incumbent-party campaigning is less effective than that by challenger parties. We have also shown that in some cases, money spent on advertising in addition to that predicted from a party's general level of activism in a constituency has been effective. Advertising a party's candidate pays. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

Accounting for regional divides in British electoral behaviour during the 1980s has proved controversial. Critics have argued that, once individual characteristics are taken into account, regional context is unimportant. Supporters of the regional divide have pointed to the connection between economic conditions and voting, but have been unable to show direct links between local economics and voters' decisions. The paper employs new data to examine the controversy. Voters at the 1992 General Election are shown to judge their regional economies, and to act on those judgements, even when their personal positions are controlled for. (European Journal of Political Research / AuD)

There has been a recent resurgence of interest in the electoral impact of constituency campaigns in British General Elections. Much is now known about the electoral consequences of local campaigns on parties' constituency vote shares. Yet more remains to be discovered about the impacts of these local campaigns on voters' knowledge of parties & candidates. Analysis of data from the 1997 British General Election demonstrates that the local campaign is associated with improved voter knowledge of who is standing for each party in a constituency, which is, in its turn, associated with an increased chance of voting for the party in the election, other things being equal. Campaign efforts at different scales, from the national to the local, have different impacts on voters' knowledge. 7 Tables, 1 Figure, 55 References. [Copyright 2004 Elsevier Ltd.]

After years of neglect, a growing literature has reclaimed the constituency campaign as an important aspect of British elections. However, relatively little work has been done to disentangle which aspects of the local campaign are effective, and which are not. For much of the twentieth century, the mechanics of the local campaign were in essentials unchanged. But changing campaign technologies in the last decade offer new possibilities to party campaign managers. The 1997 British general election was the first in which parties made extensive use of telephone canvassing as well as the more traditional doorstep canvass. This article provides a comparative analysis of the effectiveness of traditional versus telephone constituency campaigns. Traditional face-to-face canvassing had a statistically significant influence on the outcome of the 1997 general election. But the telephone canvass did not. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

Most conventional accounts of voting behaviour fit single models to the entire electorate, implicitly assuming that all voters respond to the same sets of influences, and do so in similar ways. However, a growing body of research suggests that this approach may be misleading, and that distinct groups of voters approach politics, and the electoral decision, from different perspectives. The paper takes a disaggregated look at voting in the 1997 British General Election, dividing voters into different groups according to their formal educational qualifications. Results suggest that different groups of voters respond to different stimuli, depending on their education, and on the party they are voting for. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

When people vote in a democracy, they expect the result of the election to be 'fair.' Is this true in the UK and if not, why not? This book explains how our system of 'first-past-the-post' translates votes into seats and is essential reading at a time of unprecedented electoral uncertainty.